Oral History Interview with
Anthony Bernaris
Secretary-General of the Ministry of National Economy, Greece.
Athens, Greece
April 30, 1964
By Philip C. Brooks
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NOTICE
This is a transcript of a tape-recorded interview conducted for the Harry S. Truman Library. A draft of this transcript was edited by the interviewee but only minor emendations were made; therefore, the reader should remember that this is essentially a transcript of the spoken, rather than the written word.
Numbers appearing in square brackets (ex. [45]) within the transcript indicate
the pagination in the original, hardcopy version of the oral history interview.
RESTRICTIONS
This oral history transcript may be read, quoted from, cited, and reproduced for purposes of research. It may not be published in full except by permission of the Harry S. Truman Library.
Opened 1971
Harry S. Truman Library
Independence, Missouri
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Oral History Interview with
Anthony Bernaris
Athens, Greece
April 30, 1964
By Philip C. Brooks
[1]
DR. BROOKS: I wonder if you would begin by telling me, so I will have
it accurately in the record, exactly what was your position in 1947, which
is the period I am most interested in.
MR. BERNARIS: Yes. At that period, I was holding the position of the
Secretary-General to the Ministry of National Economy. This position was
a key one, because of the Greek problem of importation of goods. Greece
had suffered very much during the war. The economic and financial condition
[2]
of Greece was extremely weak owing to the war destruction, and as a result
of the civil war which was started by the Communists' guerilla warfare.
Our financial position after the declaration of the British that they
would withdraw their aid to Greece and after the ending of the UNRRA help
to us, was very critical. We can say with frankness that the economy of
Greece and the political situation were extremely unstable and precarious.
Therefore, the announcement of a new ally, who took the decision to help
in a most energetic way, was very welcome for us.
I am sure that the Greek people will always be very grateful to the President
Truman for his initiative. Not only the Greeks are grateful, but I am
sure all the free world must be grateful. If Greece had been defeated
in that period by the assault of the foreign powers -- if Greece had
[3]
succumbed to the Communist threat -- I am sure that the present structure
of Europe would not be the same as it is now.
I recall the position very clearly. The quality of fear changed after
the declaration of President Truman. The initiative of President Truman
was very courageous and it was in the great tradition of President Roosevelt,
in the tradition of the lend-lease that had helped the Allies win the
war. The Truman Doctrine and the continuation of the Truman Doctrine,
the Marshall Plan, helped to win the peace.
Now we have faced the first problem. Now, I should like to develop the
second, the political problem. What would you like me to mention now?
BROOKS: I wanted to ask you if you and the people of Greece expected
this strong action on the part of Mr. Truman, when he made his speech
of March 12?
[4]
BERNARIS: The Greek people were very skeptical and very pessimistic at
that period, and it was a great relief to hear in the doctrine of President
Truman that the Allies did not intend to abandon Greece. They felt bitter
because they felt they had made great sacrifices toward winning the war.
But the decision of the great American President, President Truman, to
announce in the most energetic way that the American people and the American
Government had decided to help us was something which filled our hearts
with joy.
BROOKS: Did you expect it? Were you surprised?
BERNARIS: They expected that something was to be done because they believed
in the United States, and they believed in the spirit of freedom which
is the main belief of the people of the United States. They felt that
it was quite impossible for a democracy to be abandoned
[5]
in the midst of its difficulties. They believed that the great people
of the United States would do something very strong and very decisive
in order to face the political and economic problems of Greece.
BROOKS: Did you look on this program primarily as a matter of defensive
economic warfare against the Communists or as a matter of constructive
internal recovery? I know it was both, but which was more important?
BERNARIS: At that period, the survival of the Greek people was the main
anxiety, and at the same time, there was the fear that after the main
struggle for survival, our liberty would be lost if help were refused
to Greece. Therefore, we were expecting both the strengthening of the
military resistance of Greece and to have the means for the recovery of
our economy.
[6]
BROOKS: Well, in our country, there were some people who were more willing
to support an economic recovery program than they were a defensive measure
against the Communists.
BERNARIS: Well, in Greece, you could not divide them. It was impossible
to find a demarcation line. Economic recovery was connected very much
with the strengthening of the military resistance of Greece. There was
a need for direct military aid and at the same time you could not have
any possibility and expectation of economic improvement unless the military
position could be improved. Because the entrepreneurs were hesitating
to take the initiative and do business in unstable conditions.
BROOKS: I gather that in some countries, some groups felt that this large
aid program from the United States was going to mean government
[7]
control of industrial recovery and thereby discourage individual initiative.
Was this a problem in Greece?
BERNARIS: At that period, American aid meant very much. The Greeks were
in a very grave situation. The businessmen had no capital owing to the
inflation. Therefore, you see, they could not make plans for recovery,
unless there was a new source of aid from abroad. Therefore, such a problem
did not present itself at that period.
BROOKS: I see. What did you think was the greatest need of Greece at
that time? There was a need for food, right?
BERNARIS: A need for food, yes.
BROOKS: A need for rebuilding of industry?
BERNARIS: Yes, all of them. All of them, you see,
[8]
you can't divide -- you can't fix priorities. All of them were in great
need, you see. The importation of goods was a very grave need. The importation
of military material was equally important. So really the Truman aid at
that period was extremely important to face the problem of Greece. An
economically sound Greece is a Greece living under a democratic regime.
BROOKS: Did you feel that Greece was being encouraged to develop its
own program or that it was being told what it should do?
BERNARIS: I was very happy to collaborate with Professor Dawson, who
was the head of the Foreign Trade Administration, which had its seat in
the Ministry of National Economy. Professor Dawson, who is now professor
at Harvard, became a very close friend of mine. With him and his assistant,
[9]
we worked for a long while together in the close and good collaboration.
I remember Professor Dawson quite vividly. He and the other gentlemen
of the mission were very distinguished persons. They were picked by the
administration of President Truman and they were very knowledgeable. Some
of them were really distinguished experts in their fields. We worked very
closely, and of course, we started to make the program of importation
and the development of national economy as our mission. I shall always
remember the good personal relation which I had with him. I learned from
them a great deal, and I believe that they learned as well from me many
things necessary to face the specific problem of Greek economy.
BROOKS: In General Marshall's speech at Harvard
[10]
on June 5, 1947, one of the key points was that the European countries
should determine their own needs and develop their own program. Did you
have the idea that there was the same emphasis in the Greek aid program?
BERNARIS: Of course, having the experience of the Truman plan, to face
the problem which was put before us by the Marshall Plan was an easy task.
Because, really all the preliminary work was done by the Greeks and by
the American mission as well. Therefore, the phase of passing from the
Truman Plan to the Marshall Plan for Greece was an easy step and a natural
development.
BROOKS: What about UNRRA aid? Had UNRRA done its job well?
BERNARIS: UNRRA had done a job which was very necessary for recovery
and for facing the first needs of the European countries after the liberation.
[11]
It was emergency aid. But the Truman plan was something different, you
see. The Truman plan faced the problem of recovery, and the Marshall Plan
was a development of the basic principle of the Truman Plan.
BROOKS: Some people thought that the whole aid program should be put
under the United Nations. Would that have been welcome in Greece?
BERNARIS: In Greece, no. In Greece under the political conditions of
that period direct aid represented a kind of political guarantee of the
freedom of Greece. And it wasn't possible for this to be given by the
United Nations Organization. Therefore, you see, we felt grateful because
the aid was given directly by the United States.
BROOKS: The program as it was announced in Mr. Truman's speech in March,
was the Greek-Turkish aid program. Did this present any problems?
[12]
BERNARIS: No, no.
BROOKS: The fact that Greece and Turkey were both...
BERNARIS: No, this did not present any problem, because, really the Greeks
had their own problems. Then Turkey is in the same geographical region
and the threats of Greece, which were very grave, were in a way parallel
for Turkey. Therefore, on the contrary, the plan provided a good start
to face the problems of two countries. But, of course, as you remember
in that period, Greece had the most vivid problem, because we were living
in a regime of civil warfare, guerilla warfare, we had infiltration and
the attack from Bulgaria, from Yugoslavia and from Albania. The battlefield
at that period was Greece, not Turkey.
BROOKS: And Greece had suffered more during the war, right?
[13]
BERNARIS: We suffered more, because we were living under three occupation
powers, you see, under the German, the Italian, and the Bulgarian. Therefore,
the problem and the catastrophes were unexpected and very grave.
BROOKS: Mr. Truman asked Congress for $350 million for emergency relief
before the Greek-Turkish aid program. Then in the speech of March 12,
1947, he asked $400 million for Greece and Turkey. I believe it later
developed that Greece was to get $300 million. Were those figures based
on estimates made here in Greece?
BERNARIS: I don't know the details, but really that confirms that the
Greek problem was the acute one. The percentage which you mentioned proves
that the Greek case was the critical one.
BROOKS: In the beginnings of the Marshall Plan
[14]
there was a committee in Paris in 1947, under the leadership of Sir Oliver
Franks. Greece was represented, I believe. Did the small countries feel
that they had a fair hearing, or was there a feeling that some powers
took too large a share?
BERNARIS: The commissions which had worked for the establishment of a
central organization in Europe did excellent work, but more or less, the
effect started after the institution of the Marshall Plan when it was
necessary to create a central organization for the distribution of aid
to the European states. As I mentioned previously, the Truman Plan was
in its essence, a political scheme and was meant to face the political
economic difficulty of the two countries which were threatened directly
by the communistic attack.
BROOKS: Well, it's been suggested to me that the
[15]
British took a big share in determining the needs of other countries
in Paris, on the one hand; and on the other that the British deserved
a great deal of credit for taking the leadership and getting things going
under the Marshall Plan.
BERNARIS: Definitely, you see, because the contribution of Bevin, who
was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, was very important for the establishment
of the Marshall Plan. But I believe that psychologically the initiative
of President Truman was the basic thing, which facilitated the expansion
of a more general scheme like the Marshall Plan.
BROOKS: Now, Russia was invited to join in the Marshall Plan, and declined.
Was this a significant thing here?
BERNARIS: Well, it was natural that Russia didn't participate in such
a scheme because we would
[16]
want the kind of aid she wasn't in a position to give. Therefore, it
was natural, her refusal.
BROOKS: Would Greece have welcomed Russian participation or not?
BERNARIS: It's no use to comment on things which didn't happen.
BROOKS: Were there special political points of view on the part of different
groups in this country -- labor, industrial enterprise, agriculture, and
so on?
BERNARIS: All of them welcomed the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan.
All of them except, of course, the Communists.
BROOKS: There was no conflict among them.
BERNARIS: No, no, the need for survival was
[17]
very intense, you see.
BROOKS: What was the attitude of Greece toward Germany at that time?
BERNARIS: Germany at that time was under the occupation of the Allied
Forces, therefore, it did not count.
BROOKS: Well, many of the European leaders thought that the recovery
of Germany was one of the most important things to accomplish under the
Marshall Plan.
BERNARIS: I remember very well a discussion which I had with some American
and British friends, and I expressed the need of German recovery which,
fortunately came with surprising speed afterwards. Because Greece's economy
counts very much on the German-Greek commercial relations, everybody was
expecting the day of
[18]
the recovery of German economy.
Everybody was expecting the day when Germany again would be a good client
for the Greek tobacco, for instance.
BROOKS: There were other products that were normally exported to Germany?
BERNARIS: Mainly Greek tobacco, and other goods as well. Germany is an
industrial country, Greece is mainly an agriculture country; therefore,
you see there is a complementary relationship of the two economies.
BROOKS: I think Italy had this same problem...
BERNARIS: More or less.
BROOKS: One of the big controversies of the time was the matter of the
level of industry, as they called it, in Germany.
[19]
BERNARIS: Yes. But, you know, history takes its own course, and any expectation
that Germany would be an agricultural country has been proved out of the
realm of possibility. Because Germany is an industrial country, was an
industrial country, and will be an industrial country.
BROOKS: Did you think or hope that the Marshall Plan would lead to economic
union of Europe, or common market or political union?
BERNARIS: Definitely, yes, because everybody recognized that in the recovery
of Europe there was the precondition of forming the framework of the Common
Market. Without the Marshall Plan, we can't imagine that the European
economies would have recovered so quickly. Therefore, the present situation
of a common market with a big perspective, had its roots, you see, in
the working of the Marshall Plan.
[20]
BROOKS: So Greece would welcome the lowering of trade barriers...
BERNARIS: Yes. The Common Market is something which I believe will be
for the good of all the world -- to have a strong Europe.
BROOKS: What would the Greek attitude be towards political union?
BERNARIS: If the economic union is a strong union, political union is
much easier. A political union for Europe is something, perhaps, beyond
our generation. About that, in the future, we don't know. Anyhow, the
economic ties I am sure will be strengthened as well as the political
ties of the European nations.
BROOKS: Do you have any special recollections, Mr. Bernaris, of the principal
figures that were involved in the United States and in Europe,
[21]
such as President Truman or General Marshall, or Bevin?
BERNARIS: Yes, I met some of them, and I remember that they were full
of enthusiasm and belief that the Truman Doctrine was something which
must remain in history as of important stature, political and economical.
I believe and I repeat what I said in the beginning, that I can compare
the decision of President Truman to the decision of President Roosevelt,
when he announced the establishment of lend-lease. It was a pregnant idea,
a pregnant decision.
BROOKS: Well, you can see this in Athens today, it looks prosperous.
BERNARIS: Everywhere in Europe, you see it. And, I believe that we must
be very grateful that the great Presidents, I mean President Roosevelt
and President Truman, have done such big
[22]
things; because behind them were the American people with the great virtues.
They were big and great leaders because they were leading a great people
like the American people.
BROOKS: I believe that the Paul A. Porter mission was here in Greece
at the time of President Truman's speech.
BERNARIS: Yes, I remember.
BROOKS: Did you work with that mission?
BERNARIS: Not directly, but we helped. I would say it was a technical
commission; the Truman Doctrine was something political, a broader thing.
BROOKS: Then afterwards, Governor Griswold was here, after Marshall Plan
was set up.
[23]
all his collaborators very well. They were excellent people and full
of ideas, and ready to work hard for the fulfillment of the doctrine of
President Truman.
BROOKS: Thank you very much, sir.
BERNARIS: Thank you very much. You see, I am really very glad to be reminded
of that critical period for Greece. Now Greece is trying to do the best
to develop her economy, but, as I am sure that nothing could have been
done and her situation would be quite different if President Truman has
not taken the initiative to propose his doctrine to the world, and furthermore
to make broader declaration and establishment of the Marshall Plan.
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List of Subjects Discussed
Albania, 12
Athens, Greece, 21
Bernaris, Anthony, as Secretary-General to the Ministry of National
Economy, 1
Bulgaria, 12
Common Market, 19-20
Franks, Sir Oliver, 14
Franks committee, 14
Germany, 17-18
Greece:
American Economic Mission to, 1947, 22
and the Common Market, 7, 9-20
economic condition of, 1, 3, 5-6
economic recovery of, 7-9, 12-13
and Germany, 17-18
and the Marshall Plan, 10, 11
and the recovery of, 17, 19
and Truman, Harry S., 2, 3-4, 8,
9
and the Truman Doctrine, 3, 8-9, 10-12,
13, 14, 16
and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, 10-11
Griswold, Dwight P, 22-23
Italy, 18
Lend-lease, 3, 21
Marshall., General George, 9-10, 21
Marshall Plan, 3, 10, 11,
13, 14, 15, 16,
17, 19, 21, 22,
23
Ministry of National Economy, 1
Porter, Paul A., 22
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 3, 21-22
Truman, Harry S., 2, 3-4, 8,
9, 13, 15, 21-22,
23
Truman Doctrine, 3, 8-9, 10-12,
13, 14, 16, 21,
22, 23
Turkey, 12, 13
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 15
United Kingdom, 2, 15
United Nations, 11
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, 2,
10-11
Yugoslavia, 12
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